Women, work, and socialism
Pamela Campa, Michel Serafinelli
Attitudes towards work and gender simultaneously shape, and so are shaped by, the conventions, practices, and policies in confirmed place and time. This column explores how politico-economic regimes affect attitudes towards gender roles and labour, exploiting the rise and fall of the Iron Curtain. Results show that ladies in state-socialist regimes tended to have less negative and less traditional views of work and labour force participation.
Female attitudes toward work and attitudes towards gender roles in the populace most importantly differ considerably as time passes and space. For example, Giavazzi et al. (2013)observe variation in these attitudes as time passes for the time 1980-2000 in European regions and OECD countries. These attitudes are also proven to have significant effects on labour market outcomes. Fortin (2008) presents evidence that gender differences in attitudes towards work have a substantial role in accounting for the gender wage gap. Further, Fernández et al. (2004) show a considerable aftereffect of attitudes towards gender roles on women’s labour force participation.
From what extent are these attitudes suffering from politico-economic regimes and government policies? Answering the question of whether politico-economic regimes affect attitudes is complicated by the actual fact that regimes aren’t randomly assigned.
In a recently available paper, we exploit the imposition of state-socialist regimes across Central and Eastern Europe and their efforts to market women’s economic inclusion, for both instrumental and ideological reasons (Campa and Serafinelli 2018). Between their rise to power in the late 1940s or more to the late 1960s, state-socialist governments through the entire region made efforts to market women’s economic inclusion – their rapid industrialisation and general arrange for economic growth (predicated on an intensive usage of labour) were reliant on such inclusion. Moreover, women’s economic independence was regarded as a necessary precondition for women’s equality, a principle to which these governments were arguably committed, though many scholars declare that the necessity for female labour power was by a lot more relevant. Legal changes including the adoption of the principle of equal work under equal conditions, new family laws, and education and training policies were used to help expand this goal. 1 The employment of women increased through the entire region during this time period. Within this historical context, we empirically investigate the role played by political regimes in influencing attitudes.
In the primary part of our analysis, we make use of the German partition into East and West after 1945. Before 1945, the politico-economic regime was the same in East and West Germany. After 1945 the united states was split in two, with ladies in the East and West becoming subjected to completely different institutions and policies. East Germany focused (particularly through the 1960s) on policies that favoured female qualified employment, while West Germany encouraged something where women either stayed in the home once they had children, or were funnelled into part-time employment after a protracted break (Trappe 1996, Shaffer 1981). Thus, we compare attitudes toward work in the sample of men and women who, before reunification, had lived in East versus West Germany. Specifically, we utilize the German Socioeconomic Panel (GSOEP), a longitudinal survey of households surviving in Germany, and unique usage of restricted information on respondents’ host to residence.
Attitudes towards work are measured utilizing a question about the need for career success for the respondent – this question was asked in 1990, prior to the procedure for unification was completed. The timing of the question is important since it we can disentangle the consequences of surviving in a state-socialist country from that of surviving in a post-socialist country. A potential concern is a simple comparison of mean attitudes between individuals who lived in East versus West Germany could be biased because of pre-separation differences between your two regions, which some evidence suggests could be relevant inside our setting. To handle this potential issue, we use what’s referred to as a spatial regression discontinuity framework to compare only those individuals who lived near to the East-West border ahead of reunification.
The underlying assumption is that any pre-separation difference between areas sufficiently near to the East-West border that may influence individuals’ attitudes evolved smoothly at the border. 2 We find more positive attitudes toward work in the sample of East German women. In line with the OLS estimates, women subjected to the East-German regime in 19 percentage points much more likely to believe that achieving success at work is vital that you them. The spatial regression discontinuity email address details are similar. In general, men and women appear to attribute more importance to work in East Germany, however the East-West difference for men is significant only in the OLS specification, in fact it is always not even half as large as that observed for women.
Figure 1 Job success important, regression discontinuity graphs
Notes: The figure shows bin-averages and a linear fit for people in GSOEP. The lines are fitted values from a regression of Job Success Important on distance, estimated on both sides of the border. How big is the bins is just a little over 5 km, chosen concerning have thirty bins on each side. Left side is West Germany. The variable Job Success Important takes value 1 if the average person reports that achieving success at work is vital that you them, and zero otherwise.
The estimates also point toward an impact of the contact with different regimes on female employment. 3 Importantly, the East-West difference in women’s attitudes and employment status seems to persist after reunification. More specifically, in each one of the years studied, before last year that the info is available (2012), German women report less positive attitudes toward work and so are less likely to be used than men; however, these gender gaps are significantly lower for those who in 1989 lived in East versus West Germany. Furthermore, we show suggestive evidence that the change in women’s attitudes toward work was larger in areas where in fact the growth in female employment was larger, while we usually do not find an impact of propaganda on attitudes.
Finally, we show that attitudes towards gender roles, of men and women, are less ‘traditional’ among individuals who reside in East versus West Germany (see Figure 2).
Figure 2 Attitudes towards gender roles in Germany, regression discontinuity graphs
Note: The figure is constructed like Figure 1, and is dependant on agreement with the next statements (from left to right, throughout panel): An operating mother can equally well have a hearty and trustful relationship with her children as a non-working mother; Certainly, a baby suffers if their mother is utilized; It is even best for a child if their mother is utilized instead of merely concentrating on household work; It really is more important for a female to aid her husband’s career rather than making her own career; It is best for all if the husband works and the wife stays in the home taking care of family members and the kids; A married woman should turn employment down if only a restricted number of jobs is available and her husband has the ability to earn a living for the family. A value of just one 1 for the corresponding dependent variable represents the less traditional view and 0 the more traditional one.
Next, we hire a differences-in-differences strategy that compares attitudes formed in Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs) and EUROPEAN countries before and following the imposition of state socialism in CEECs. To the end, we must obtain a time-varying way of measuring attitudes, which is problematic because there aren’t any valid measurements of attitudes towards gender roles before 1945. We cope with this challenge through the use of data on the attitudes folks immigrants and their offspring to create a time-varying way of measuring attitudes within their source countries. That is motivated by a recently available body of work which has noted and exploited the partnership between your behaviour of immigrants and that of residents within their countries of origin, and by evidence that the parents’ gender-role attitudes certainly are a useful predictor of the attitudes of children.
Using the united states of origin folks immigrants who immigrate as time passes (and the attitudes inherited by their offspring), we capture the over-time variation of attitudes towards gender roles in the foundation countries. For instance, by contrasting US residents of French and Polish origin who migrated between 19, and their offspring, we identify differences in attitudes towards gender roles formed in France and Poland during this time period. We then implement the same process of US residents (and their offspring) who immigrated between 19, to secure a way of measuring the differences between France and Poland before 1945. We depend on data from the overall Social Survey, which surveys the contemporaneous gender-role attitudes folks residents, and in addition provides information which allows us to infer their approximate amount of immigration or that of their ancestors. This process enables us to track the variation in gender-role attitudes before and after 1945 in 19 Europe, including five in Central and Eastern Europe and 14 in Western Europe.
Attitudes towards gender roles are measured by the next question: "Please tell me whether you strongly agree, agree, disagree, or strongly disagree with the next statement. It is far better for everybody involved if the person is the achiever beyond your home and the girl manages home and family". We construct an index ‘Better for Man to Work, Woman Tend Home’ – the bigger the value of the index, the less traditional individual’s attitudes are toward women working.
Employing this way of measuring gender-role attitudes with intertemporal variation and a differences-in-differences design, we estimate the partnership between your change in the politico-economic regime and the evolution in women’s and men’s attitudes towards gender roles. Figure 3 depicts the estimates. The displayed coefficients indicate mean attitudes for CEECs and EUROPEAN countries in accordance with the 1945 cohort. The figure implies that before 1945 the attitudes in CEECs may actually have evolved much like attitudes in EUROPEAN countries. The figure also shows that after 1945, attitudes towards gender roles formed in CEECs beneath the state-socialist regimes become less traditional in comparison to EUROPEAN countries.
Figure 3 Attitudes towards gender roles, in accordance with 1945 cohort
Overall, we overcome some identification issues and data limitations and discover that attitudes toward work and attitudes towards gender roles are profoundly suffering from politico-economic regimes.
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 Quick access to abortion also helped women’s entry in to the workforce (David 2013).
 Our work relates to the recent tests by Bauernschuster and Rainer (2011), Beblo and Goerges (2015) and Lippmann et al. (2016). The first paper uses the ALLBUS, the German equal to the united states General Social Survey, for the time 1991-2008 and implies that being from East Germany is connected with a lower odds of believing that segregation of male and female roles is suitable. The next paper uses three waves of ALLBUS (1991, 1998/2000, and 2010/2012), and implies that the gender gap in preferences toward work is smaller in East versus West Germany, in keeping with a direct effect of ‘nurture’ on preference formation. The 3rd paper uses the GSOEP for the time 1991-2012 and demonstrates in East Germany females can earn much more than their spouse without needing to overplay their feminine role (by spending additional time on housework), or putting their marriage at risk. More broadly, our paper relates to the seminal study by Alesina and Fuchs-Schundeln (2007) which analyses preferences for redistribution in Germany in 19, and finds that East Germans are more pro-state than West Germans. We extend the empirical approach found in these studies in a number of ways, as we explain at length inside our paper (Campa and Serafinelli 2018).
 Through the period 1950-90, women’s participation in the formal labour market was higher in East Germany than it had been in West Germany, and employed ladies in the East worked longer hours. The change in this dimension was arguably among the hardly any positive achievements of the East German regime.